Friends, my latest article considers the implications of the coming U.K. general election...for the U.S. presidential election in 2020. Specifically, I argue that Republicans and conservatives can learn from the resiliency and political resourcefulness of Britain's Tories. Could Boris have found the key to banishing leftist loons from the halls of power for good? See what you think of my analysis, coming soon to Townhall.
Springtime for Boris...and Its
Lessons for Trump
After much
procrastination and evasion, this week Britain's Parliament finally
relented to the request of Prime Minister Boris Johnson for a general
election. For the first time since 1923, Britain will have an
election in chilly December. And yet, for Boris, this would appear to
be springtime for his political prospects. Why? His Conservative
Party is heavily favored to capture a solid majority, confirming
Johnson's premiership and almost inevitably approving his
renegotiated deal with the EU over Brexit. In short, by the end of
2019, it would appear highly likely that Boris will have solidified
his grip on his party, on Parliament, and on a newly independent
United Kingdom. That sounds a lot like total victory, from Boris's
perspective.
Why
am I so sanguine about Boris's chances? Because for months the
British political establishment and the media have heaped
contempt
on poor Boris. They have pilloried him, whittled away at his majority
in Parliament by encouraging defections and rebellion, and questioned
his decency, integrity, and even his sanity. Boris has been given the
Trump treatment, in other words, and yet he's still standing —
unbowed, undaunted, and ready for more. Boris has proven his mettle
in extraordinary fashion, and that makes it likely that he can endure
— nay, prosper — in the midst of a tough general election
campaign. After all, he's used to incoming fire.
Even
more tellingly, despite all the slings and arrows that have come
Boris's way, his party is soaring in the polls. The latest snapshots
of voter sentiment
in anticipation of the upcoming general election put the
Conservatives ahead by 16, 13, 17, 14, 8, and 15 points,
respectively. Can circumstances change before December 12th?
Absolutely. But what fresh assault on Boris and the Tories can be
contrived, when the opposition has already thrown everything at them
but the kitchen sink? Stay tuned on that front.
Given the bright
prospects now contemplated by Boris Johnson and the Conservatives in
the U.K., it seems reasonable to ask the obvious question: why is the
political right thriving in Britain at the same time that a similarly
conservative, populist, nationalist leader in the U.S. is struggling?
Why is Boris almost certain to win re-election, while most polls in
this country show Trump losing to electoral lightweights like Joe
Biden, Elizabeth Warren, and Bernie Sanders?
The answer lies
in a key difference between U.S. and British politics. In the United
States, the two-party system, while manifestly unpopular, has proved
surprisingly durable. In the U.K., on the other hand, eight parties
captured seats in the last Parliamentary election, and this time
approximately ten parties have a legitimate shot at doing so.
Moreover, as recently as 2015 the two main British parties captured
only two-thirds of the vote. In 2019, the average of current polling
shows the Conservatives capturing about 36% of the vote and Labour
about 25%. In other words, 40% of the public is either undecided or
plans to vote for another party. In the U.S., polling averages show
less than 10% of the electorate uncommitted to either of the two main
parties.
And
therein lies the secret of Boris Johnson's success. Make no mistake:
the constant media onslaught on Boris has
had an effect.
According to YouGov,
48% of Britons view him negatively, and only 34% view him positively.
In a political system in which a party that can gain 35-45% of the
vote is likely to be a clear winner, however, Johnson's unpopularity
scarcely matters. All he needs is for the anti-Boris vote to be
scattered between the various parties opposing him, meaning primarily
Labour, the Liberal-Democrats, the Scottish Nationalists, and the
Greens. Since it would appear that the Conservatives' challengers to
the right — Nigel Farage's Brexit Party — are considering
an electoral strategy
designed to help Johnson secure a majority, his chances of victory
rise even further.
The lesson for
Trump is a straightforward one, but one not easily acted upon. Trump
is, to be frank, an unpopular figure, and an unpopular President, in
a country where it is hard to win an election if you gain less than
50% of the votes. That's bad news.
To win
re-election, therefore, Trump must do one of three things: he must
improve his own popularity (very difficult, given the media's
undisguised loathing), he must drive up his opponent's negatives
(somewhat more achievable, given the poor quality of the Democratic
field and the vast resources available to the GOP), or he must divide
and fragment the opposition, making it possible to win in 2020 with
less than 50% of the vote.
The last
possibility is seldom discussed in American politics, given our
strong proclivities for a two-party system, but in fact previous
Republican candidates have had success with this stratagem, even if
it was seldom a conscious one. George W. Bush famously won in 2000
with less than 50% of the vote, partly because many left-leaning
voters supported the Green Party candidate Ralph Nader. Donald Trump
himself won in 2016 with only 46% of the vote, in part because many
Americans supported the Libertarian or Green Party candidates.
Moreover, as we have seen, because support for the two main parties
in the U.S. is so even in most election cycles, even a small degree
of support for a third party candidate can have decisive
consequences.
Keeping all this
in mind, President Trump, his advisors, and his supporters might want
to pursue the strategy of fragmenting the opposition as much as
possible. They could seek to exacerbate internal divisions in the
Democratic Party by adding fuel to the fire of incidents like the
Hillary Clinton-Tulsi Gabbard feud. They might focus their opposition
research on potential opportunities to foster dissension between
progressives and centrist Democrats. They might encourage speculation
about third party or independent bids for the presidency, like that
of Howard Schultz, the former CEO of Starbucks. If all else fails,
Republican and conservative donors might even consider contributing
to campaigns like that of the 2020 Green Party candidate for
President (yet to be determined). Whether that candidate receives
half a percent of the national vote, or one percent, or two percent,
could easily determine the outcome of the 2020 election. For a
conservative, wouldn't that justify cutting a check to an
eco-radical? It surely might.
Boris Johnson
already understands the desirability, even the necessity, of keeping
his opponents divided and off-balance. By doing so, he can thrive in
the context of U.K. politics.
Someday,
Republicans and conservatives in this country may reach the same
conclusion.
Dr.
Nicholas L. Waddy is an Associate Professor of History at SUNY Alfred
and blogs at: www.waddyisright.com.
He appears weekly on the Newsmaker Show on WLEA 1480.
And here it is at Townhall:
https://townhall.com/columnists/nicholaswaddy/2019/11/02/springtime-for-borisand-its-lessons-for-trump-n2555704
P.S. Good news on the impeachment front: the battleground states are leaning against it. Democrats are, as we all know, playing with fire!
https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/468240-polls-show-support-for-impeachment-weaker-in-key-battleground-states
And here it is at Townhall:
https://townhall.com/columnists/nicholaswaddy/2019/11/02/springtime-for-borisand-its-lessons-for-trump-n2555704
P.S. Good news on the impeachment front: the battleground states are leaning against it. Democrats are, as we all know, playing with fire!
https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/468240-polls-show-support-for-impeachment-weaker-in-key-battleground-states