Behold, my latest article, coming soon to The Daily Caller! It's about President Trump's desire to reimagine our relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which, as you will see, I believe is long overdue. I'll post a link to the article as soon as it's published online. "Waddy is Right" is going national, my friends! This is just the beginning...
On NATO, Trump Gets It Right
Dr. Nicholas L. Waddy, Associate
Professor of History at SUNY Alfred, blogs at: www.waddyisright.com
On May 25th, President
Trump, during his visit to the headquarters of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) in Brussels, Belgium, sharply criticized
our European allies for, in effect, freeloading off the military
dominance, and the military spending, of the United States. This is
an accurate analysis, since only 4 of the 26 European countries in
NATO currently spend the minimum level of GDP, 2%, judged by the
organization itself to be sufficient to meet their obligations. (The
U.S., by contrast, spends 3.5% of GDP on defense, and its defense
budget roughly triples the spending of all other NATO countries
combined.)
Moreover, the U.S. faces most of its
military challenges in the Middle East, and European countries
consistently lack either the will or the capability to contribute
meaningfully to those missions. Ergo, Europe continues to rely on
the United States to provide for its collective defense, but it fails
to spend adequately to supplement and support U.S. forces, and it
fails also to support U.S. operations elsewhere in the world, even
when those missions are clearly relevant to European security (e.g.
the struggle against ISIS). In a nutshell, the U.S. pays to defend
Europe, and gets little or nothing in return.
Those who favor a continuation of this
ruinous policy do so largely because they are stuck in a Cold War
mentality, and, indeed, during the Cold War NATO made excellent sense
to all of its member states, including the U.S. NATO's core mission
was and is collective defense, achieved by Article 5 of the North
Atlantic Treaty, penned in 1948-49 at the start of the Cold War.
Article 5 states that, if a single NATO country is attacked, all NATO
countries will respond as if they were themselves attacked, and
consequently rush to the rescue. During the Cold War, this meant
that, if the Soviet Union attacked any country in Western Europe, all
of Western Europe, plus the United States and Canada, would go to war
with the Soviet Union. Whether this pledge was genuine or merely a
bluff, it succeeded in preventing Soviet aggression. And, in the
tense atmosphere of the Cold War, although the United States bore the
primary burden of defending Europe against Soviet assault, most NATO
members took their defense obligations seriously and maintained
militaries that could credibly have assisted U.S. forces. They also
sometimes contributed substantially to anti-communist military
operations around the world – during the Korean War, for example.
In short, during the Cold War, NATO imposed great burdens and risks
on its members, but those burdens and risks were shared, and no one
disputed the seriousness of the challenge posed by communist
aggression.
Today, though, the Soviet Union no
longer exists. For those panicked by the latest upsurge of
Russophobia (or, for the John McCains of this world, for whom
Russophobia has always been a way of life), this may seem like a
hollow declaration, since Russia still possesses powerful military
forces, and has proved willing to use them against several of its
neighbors. The fact, though, is that no country on earth, including
Russia, poses a threat to Europe in any way analagous to that of the
Soviet Union. European countries have the human, technological,
industrial, and economic resources to defend themselves, with ease,
from any credible enemy – and yet, unsurprisingly, they choose not
to do so, because the United States continues to provide Europe with
a blank check in the form of a security guarantee.
Europe's position is understandable,
as is American resentment of European freeloading, but what is
different about the Trump administration's position is that, 1)
President Trump is pointedly insisting that European countries boost
their defense spending, and 2) Trump has not explicitly endorsed
Article 5 and the concept of collective defense. In other words, he
is being cagey about whether, if a European country was attacked, the
U.S. would uphold its treaty obligations and use armed force to
assist it. He has not disavowed the North Atlantic Treaty, but he
seems to regard its obligations as reciprocal – and therefore
contingent on European nations paying their fair share. (They seem
to be minimally receptive to this demand.) One can naturally
criticize the message this policy sends to potential aggressors,
since it calls into question NATO's reliability, but the only
alternative is for the U.S. to fund Europe's defense indefinitely and
without conditions. Surely, this is unacceptable. Something has to
give.
For diplomatic reasons, President
Trump has backed off the claim he made during the campaign that NATO
is “obsolete,” but in many ways he was right. NATO was founded
based on two presuppositions: that Europe's freedom was in imminent
jeopardy, and that Europeans were incapable of defending that freedom
by themselves. Neither of these assumptions holds water today.
Thus, we should applaud President Trump for pushing NATO members to
rethink their roles and obligations. His message may not have been a
popular one, but it is ultimately in the best interests of Americans
and Europeans to heed it.
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